Strangely enough, Donald Trump’s political streak in 2020 – an election he appears to be on the right track to narrowly lose – is much more impressive than his performance in 2016. , the election he almost won.
Without a doubt, his 2020 results are even more ominous, to anyone who doesn’t share his enthusiasm with the politics of individual and institutional contempt. It’s never been clearer that the large numbers of people shared that enthusiasm, or at least there was no excessive opposition. This, in turn, has never been more worrying in its consequences.
If the president manages to go through some combination of luck and legal challenge to win his second term, sincere Democrats and their sympathizers will ask Trump voters for mentally, “What the hell is your problem?”;
If Joe Biden continues with his narrow lead, his supporters could question the same Trump voters in a spirit of reflection and possibly even real curiosity. Democrats’ contempt for Trump is natural; contempt for its voters is more problematic. But there is no reasonable way to despise Trump without contempt for the voters who encouraged him to power and wished him to keep it.
Trump’s victory in 2016 was rather lackluster, and as a result, it is relatively easy for people to separate themselves from the larger meaning. Logically, Hillary Clinton has single flaws. There is Russian intervention. Many of Trump’s voters may not think he will win, but are eager to use their votes to send messages opposing the creation of both parties. A lot of people see his personality as a flamboyant bragger, and assume that he will accept moderation and restraint in case he is invested with real responsibility.
The results for 2020 are still fuzzy, but the central question on the table in this election is vividly clear. Is Trump’s standard-breaking management style okay? Former President Barack Obama assessed it clearly at the summer conference: “That’s what is at stake right now – our democracy”.
This is an uncomfortable fact for Obama and anyone who agrees with his words. Trump is on track to increase his total popular vote to millions of people, none of them have any illusions about what they are voting. Unlike 2016, there is no way to see this as a false democracy, or an illegal manipulation of democracy. His support is a powerful expression of democracy.
More annoying: This is a brave political achievement. Get rid of it – just for a moment – from the moral context, from the fact that crowded, masked protests during a pandemic are clearly irresponsible, that many words of He is an inhumane way. In the midst of the coronavirus disaster, just weeks after the virus left him hospitalized with oxygen supplements, faced with bad polls and mostly hostile news, Trump raced across the country and nearly won the war. wins. He was a movement politician, who always had his back to the wall, frequently showing remarkable moves.
Of course, it is impossible to separate Trump’s political activities from the moral landscape. The argument of the past four years never speaks of the marginal tax rate, in which people can accuse their opponents of greed but can easily divide the difference in the end. It doesn’t even look like abortion rights debates, in which differences are not easily divisible and different parties often look at each other with a lack of understanding. But even in that case, the adversaries violently oppose each other’s views, rather than violently opposing the body of common moral institutions, rules, and customs. The accumulated capital creates a culture of democracy.
Trump opposes that. There are hundreds of examples, but there’s no need to dig through repositories. His overnight appearance at the White House early on Wednesday was a prime example. He accused “fraud” without proof and asserted, with millions of votes in key states still not counted, “To be honest, we won this election.”
The origins of Trump’s call spanned decades, long periods of decline in trust in most American organizations, from government to Big Business, to the media. In recent years, in part through purposeful political marketing, in which politicians and media figures at both ends of the ideological spectrum reap lavish rewards from the public. and money for extreme politics, distrust has been turned into pure contempt. It is this environment that makes Trump possible, and thanks to which he thrives.
But a narrow victory so that either side does not fundamentally change the political balance of the country. This means that the environment that produces Trump-style politics will continue even if Trump is not president. It also means that the opposition party to any president will in many cases view the inviolable opposition for their own benefit. In such a move, it is better to keep policy disputes such as weapons and shields in the ongoing ideological and partisan war than to settle them.
For four years, Democrats have been stuck in what can be viewed as the conundrum of contempt. The only fundamental response to the shredding of Trump’s norms and the challenge of accountability is his steadfast opposition. This, at times, can bring them into the same politics of insult and outrage that Trump thrives. It’s no coincidence that the opportunity to register a ruling on Trump years inspired new votes for both sides of the question.
The conditions that create Trump will only cease when one or the other gains a decisive advantage with voters placing them in an unopposed majority across Washington and deep into the states. Democrats think this could be the year it happens. About 67 million Trump voters – a few million less than Biden won but several million more than Trump four years ago – said not so quickly.
When Democrats asked voters Trump “What’s your problem?” it’s another way of asking yourself, “What’s our problem?”